2015: Atiku begins presidential race in style, promises 100% resource control

on DECEMBER 25, 2012 

FORMER Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, at a recent event in Enugu, left no keen observer in doubt over his intention to seek the highest office in the land in 2015, an ambition he has nursed for close to 30 years.

At the 13th anniversary lecture and National Conference of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) at Nike Lake Resort, Enugu, recently, the 2007 presidential candidate of the Action Congress (AC) said if elected, he would pursue resource control and devolution of power to the federating units.

If he runs in 2015, it would be the third time he is stepping out since 2007. He would have contested in 2003 but withdrew in the last minute to allow former President Olusegun Obasanjo run and complete his second term. Before then, he was in the thick of the Third Republic race and was among those who were initially considered as running mate to late Chief MKO Abiola, who flew the flag of the defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP and presumably won the anulled June 12, 1993 presidential polls.

He said: “Presently, our state and local governments look up to Abuja for monthly allocations. That kind of dependence does not make for any meaningful autonomy and surely will not bring about meaningful development. Every tier of government should be reasonably self-reliant in terms of revenue. The revenue it gets from other tiers should be supplementary otherwise it will lack reasonable degree of autonomy irrespective of what the law says. That is the reality of human condition and politics.

“That is why I have been calling for devolution of more powers and revenues from the Federal Government to the states and regional governments. It is not political posturing; it is a critical condition for deepening our democracy and promoting national development, peace and security.

“You know what, if I am president, what is it? Coal? Enugu State take your coal! Oil? Niger Delta take your oil! But I have the power of taxation. If your income from coal is N1 trillion I will say pay the Federal Government 70 per cent. That is your business. If you raise N10 trillion from oil, take your money but pay 75 per cent to the Federal Government.”

Atiku made the declarations while speaking on how to strengthen the local councils and enhance their delivery of democracy dividends to the grassroots.

Oil, military rule negative influence
Noting that the local councils used to be very strong before the advent of oil and military rule in Nigeria’s polity, he stressed the need for improved taxation and governance.

“In the days when I was growing up and when there was no oil, the Local Government system was funded by taxation. There were radio tax, bicycle tax, etc and everybody paid. With the money the local governments built roads, primary and secondary schools and provided healthcare delivery that even the current state governments don’t provide in some cases. That was what we did prior to military rule and oil significant contribution to our national revenues. That is what makes people hold their government to account,” he argued.

Strengthening councilsOn how to strengthen the local councils, the former Vice President said a number of questions needed to be answered. “Should we continue with the practice of the Federal Government creating local councils across the country and allocating resources to them directly? Should it be left in the hands of federating states to decide for themselves the system of local government and number of local governments they need because of our historical and cultural differences? Remember: in the First Republic, we all had different system of local government administrations. The one in the North was different from the one in the East and the East was also different from the one in the West.”

He continued: “In my view, there are three critical issues here. First is the structure of the federation. The second is our political practice. The third is our disregard for rules and regulations. In a federation, Local Government administration ought to be left in the hands of the federating states or regions. Rather, there is the awkward situation where the local governments deal directly with the Federal Government side-tracking the state governments.

“The federating units should be left to determine the system and number of local governments and fund them accordingly in accordance with their historical and cultural peculiarities and development needs. Our focus should be on ensuring a more effective local government administration, a responsible fiscal management and accountability.

The proximity of state governments to the local governments makes them more suited to understand the local governments. All politics is local. The Federal Government lacks the capacity to monitor every local government development or issue in this country. In a federal system, it is in our collective interest to strengthen the local level.”

He continued: “The central government did not create local governments prior to military rule. We had a more effective and responsive local government administration then. I am a product of my Native Authority. I never knew anything about the regional government for my primary and secondary education until I went to the university.

Centralisation of power
“The Federal Government started creating local governments at the same time we lost our heads to oil revenue. Local governments have become more dependent on the Federal Government than on the state governments. That is an anomaly. It is our over centralization of power, excessive concentration of resources at the federal level and the abandonment of due process and regulations under military rule that led to state governments’ abuse of local administrations. That is what led to direct federal allocations to local governments and its subsequent provision in the constitution.

“If we amend our constitution to have a genuine federal system rather than the near unitary system that we currently have, there will be no need for statutory and mandatory direct federal allocation to the local government; there will be no need to enshrine the number of local governments in the constitution.

“Other than direct fiscal allocation to the local government what other rationale exists for enshrining the number of local governments in the constitution and making the creation of new ones virtually impossible for state governments? What if a local government experiences rapid growth in population, for administrative convenience and effectiveness, the state government wishes to split it into two or more local governments, why should such a split be made difficult for the state until the constitution is amended? How many times are we going to amend our constitution?

“I believe that the federal share of national revenue should be whittled down while the allocation of states and local governments should be increased. All over the world, serious governments tax their citizens and corporations to raise revenues for development purposes and service delivery.

“For that reason, governments work hard to promote economic development so as to create a strong tax base. I am opposed to this indigene, indigene thing. We should feel that Nigeria is our own no matter where we come from. Where we reside should be our home. I was discussing with the US Consul General to Nigeria and he said in the United States, it is where you pay your tax that determines your citizenship. If we want to have a joint ownership of this country, let’s abandon indigenship.”

Effect of godfatherism
The veteran presidential aspirant identified godfatherism as a major hindrance to council autonomy. “On the question of political practice, for as long as our party politics remain the domain of controlling godfathers at the federal and state levels devoid of internal party democracy, so long will our local government remain at the beck and call of whomever chooses contestants for local electoral offices,” he said.

“The point is that even if local government funds come directly from the Federal Government without state/local government joint account, the dominant role of governors rather than party members in selecting candidates for electoral offices will still not ensure autonomous, effective and responsive local government administration.

“So, we need to find ways of ensuring internal party democracy so that the selection of candidates for elections to local and other levels will be carried out by the generality of party members rather than a few godfathers. At the local government in particular, we should encourage independent candidates,” he submitted.

A Mansion To Match “The Personality” Of Our Homeless Vice President By Ogaga Ifowodo

 

A Mansion To Match “The Personality” Of Our Homeless Vice President By Ogaga Ifowodo

Posted: December 26, 2012 - 02:44

You wish to Allah the Merciful that what you heard about the request for an additional N9 billion for the construction of a brand new mansion for the Vice President is not true, that you had just woken up from a nightmare when you heard lying voices in the dark seeking to “heat up” your head and “the polity” (apologies to President Jonathan’s spokesmen). Alas, it is true. When N7.5 billion was originally approved, in 2009, for the construction of the same house, you had dismissed, with a holy oath, the father of lies who had been whispering such damnable falsehood in your ear.  You were as incredulous as Adeyemi Smart, a senator, would be three years later when Adamu Ismail, executive secretary of the Federal Capital Development Authority defended the act of naked plunder before the FCT senate committee, and you screamed at the fleeing Satan: “Is this house to be built on earth or in heaven? Will the sand, cement, iron rods, tiles, doors and every other material needed for it be made of gold? Will the builders and labourers be paid in gold weights? Tuffia! Get thee behind me, Satan,” you railed and went about your business.

Yet it was true then as it is now. Ismail did not once mention “gold” as he explained the scope of Project VP’s Mansion. The additional N9 billion, a 120 percent increase to the original approved sum, is needed to “build a banquet hall, protocol guest house, two other guest houses and civil infrastructure, as well as to purchase furniture and install security gadgets.” Apparently, there had been an unforgivable, even criminal, neglect in the original plan and design of the mansion. But it goes without saying that without these additional amenities, the resultant edifice would be unfit for purpose and an insult to the office and person of the vice president. Which is why Ismail was quick to inform the senate that the “additional scope to be done on the project” (sic) was “because of the personality of Mr Vice President.”

Got it? A mansion befitting of the Vice President’s personality. Got the bit about civil infrastructure too? According to Ismail, the Bureau of Public Procurement “approved over N6 billion” after vetting the request but that “would not be enough,” given that “there are some other adjustments needed to be done,” the details of which he would disclose at a later date and time. But why trouble him to justify what every fool knows? Take only one befitting amenity, the banquet hall, which is to gulp N2.2 billion. As General Obasanjo, who should know, told us, high public service is an invitation to “come and chop.” Where is the best place to chop? A banquet hall, of course! And what should the tables, chairs, chinaware, cutlery and the very walls of the hall itself be made of if the chopping is to be worth its salt (pun intended)? Why, gold! As for the food, let’s just say that it is not what every Mukoro, Musa or Moriamo, with no personality, eats in a Mama-Put or buka far from banquet halls.

There was one almost plausible justification for Project VP’s Mansion.  Since 1999 when the great new epoch of democracy dawned on us, the vice president has been, to our shame, homeless. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar squatted in the official residence of the Chief Justice throughout his tenure. Jonathan endured the added indignity of being relocated to Akinola Aguda House, the Presidential guest house, before blind luck elevated him to Aso Rock. This unflattering image of a wandering, homeless vice president of the oil-crazed Giant of Africa is what the government seeks to erase quickly before we become the laughing-stock of the world. Thankfully, we have petro-dollars to burn. What was it former military dictator General Yakubu Gowon is reputed to have said at the beginning of our oil-induced madness — that money is not our problem but how to spend it? We have long solved that problem, with the cement armada that followed that utterance, appropriately enough, as a proof. So, let us build a N16 billion mansion to match the personality of our vice president. And let us remember to furnish it with furniture “bought from heaven,” as the bewildered Senator Adeyemi wondered aloud.

Only that after this, we must never again hear of government officials going to Germany, anywhere outside the borders of this rich country, for medical treatment. The president and all political office holders must be prohibited from sending their children to school abroad while they remain in office. A country that can lavish so many billions on its vice president’s house is clearly not a beggar nation. Therefore, Jonathan must not attempt the inhuman act of levying another expropriation tax on citizens reeling from the monstrous blows of endemic joblessness and poverty by way of a further withdrawal of the bogus, so-called subsidy on refined oil products.  For just think what N16 billion could do to transform one of our teaching hospitals, making it unnecessary for Mrs Jonathan to enrich Germany with the loads of hard currency she frittered away during her recent “vacation?” Or what that sum could do to rehabilitate primary schools across the country even if at a mere N500 million per state? Just think!

CBN directs Mobile Money Operators to connect to central switch in Feb

   CBN directs Mobile Money Operators to connect to central switch in Feb

December 22, 2012 | 7:00 am


Lagos – The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has directed  the 16 Mobile Money Operators  (MMOs)  in the country to fully connect to the National Central Switch (NCS) before Feb. 28, 2013.

The CBN gave the directive in a circular entitled “Timeline for Interoperability and Interconnectivity” on Friday.

The circular was signed by Mr Dipo Fatokun, CBN’s director of banking and payment system.

The circular stated that full connection to NCS would enhance MMOs’ “inter-operability and interconnectivity“.

The apex bank said the decision for all MMOs to connect to NCS was reached at the Mobile Payment Forum held on Nov. 29.

It added that “for avoidance of doubt, appropriate sanction will be imposed on any mobile payment operator that fails to comply with the circular“.

The CBN issued licences to 16 companies to operator mobile money transactions.

The CBN had said that the MMOs were licensed to accelerate the transformation of the nation’s payment system which would emphasise use of mobile phones. (NAN)

Boko Haram Will Damage The North Politically, Possibly Disintegrate Nigeria

Posted: Dec 22  2012

 By Achusim Chapman

Geopolitics is the social science theory that analyzes the relationships between politics and geographical territories. It provides an understanding of the links between political power and economic, demographic and geographical factors.

  When predictions are made about what might happen in foreign affairs, or in the political dynamics of nations at a future time, geopolitics is the primary tool used for such analyses. The suggestion by foreign security agencies that Nigeria could disintegrate by 2015 is based on geopolitical analyses.

Politics in Nigeria is an ethnic and regional affair. In other words, Nigerian politics fits neatly into the geopolitical model. This has always been the case since the first Republic when three regional parties dominated Nigerian politics. Since 1999, a de facto six (6) regional geopolitical structure has defined the political space in Nigeria. Currently, all the major political parties use geopolitical zoning principles to select candidates for elections, and to allocate offices and positions.

In Nigeria’s zero sum political system in which winners-take-all, and patronage flows from the top downwards, the top geopolitical prize is the Presidency.

Geopolitical considerations require that the political actors who represent the political interests of the cleavage centers (the six geopolitical zones) will actively cultivate strategies that assure that they have dominance over the structures of power. The most successful of these strategies - dominant strategies as they are called – will become the major plays that will be used by political cleavage centers as they struggle for power.

The dominant geopolitical strategy of the 4th republic has been the use of ethnic militias to capture power centrally. That strategy has been remarkably successful. It ensured that a Yoruba President emerged in 1999, and led directly to the emergence of a minority Vice President from the South-South region in 2007.
The June 12 struggle was partly a philosophical debate about the role and nature of democracy in Nigeria, and partly a geopolitical struggle for relevance by the Yoruba.

The response of the Babangida and Abacha juntas to the crisis that followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 elections underscored the recognition of the geopolitical implications of that conflict. Abiola’s certain victory would have certainly advanced Nigerian democracy, and it would have been a clear geopolitical boon for the Yoruba. To douse the geopolitical urgency of the June 12 crisis for the Yoruba, Babangida installed Ernest Shonekan, a Yoruba of the same Egba extraction as Abiola, as head of the Interim Transition Government. When Abacha eased out Shonekan’s transition government a few months later, it was Oladipo Diya, another Yoruba man from Abiola’s Ogun State, that he selected as his deputy.

In time, the philosophical debate about democracy and its place in Nigeria, which was initiated by the June 12 crisis, fizzled out but its geopolitical essence was retained. The June 12 movement soon came to be seen increasingly as a Yoruba Struggle. The OPC was formed in 1997, as the June 12 struggle progressively devolved to its geopolitical essence. The emergence of groups like Afenifere and the OPC represented the crystallization of the most extreme geopolitical aspects of the June 12 struggle. It was clear that the Yoruba geopolitical struggle would not cease until the egregious wrongs done to the Yoruba by the annulment of June 12, 1993 were righted by the emergence of a Yoruba man as the legitimate President of Nigeria. As the 1999 transition to democracy dawned, the threat of secession by the Yoruba, and the emergence of the O’dua People’s Congress (OPC) militia as a paramilitary outfit that could give muscle to those separatist aspirations compelled the Northern elite and the major political parties to unanimously agree on the exclusive adoption of Yoruba candidates for the Presidency.

It can be argued that without the OPC and the threat that it posed to the unity of the Nigerian nation, Olusegun Obasanjo could never have become President in 1999.

The North’s attempt at taming the geopolitical implications of a Yoruba Presidency was to opt for a “balanced” South Westerner, who could be used to rule by proxy and relied upon to facilitate the transfer of power to the north. Obasanjo, a Yoruba man whose handling of the 1979 elections had demonstrated his capacity for acting beyond the confines of tribal and regional geopolitics, was a reasonable choice for the North to settle upon.

Within a few months of Obasanjo’s swearing in, it had become crystal clear that the expectation of the Northern elite that they would rule by proxy through Obasanjo had been a huge miscalculation. Obasanjo’s immediate actions in office emasculated the North politically. The sweep of all military officers that had held political office between 1985 and 1999 disproportionally affected the North since that region had held a dominance of power and privilege in the Nigerian military. Obasanjo’s increasing appointment of Northern minorities and Christians to positions typically reserved for “core Northerners” caused the reemergence of rifts between the so called “core North”, minority Northerners, Christian Northerners and the Middle Belt zone. The notion of a monolithic North was increasingly being exposed as a fallacy.

The North was losing out politically and it needed to stem the tide. The response of the Northern political elite was swift. Sectarian separatism via the adoption of political sharia, a limited form of secession, was their tool of choice. In January 2000, Zamfara made the first move towards political Sharia, and by 2002, the twelve (12) Northernmost States in Nigeria had instituted Sharia law in varying degrees. Thousands were killed in the ethnic and sectarian conflicts that ensued.  As a geopolitical tool, political sharia worked wonders. Obasanjo’s government took less drastic actions that threatened the North, and the region was ‘carried along’ more by the OBJ regime.  

The geopolitical stakes were further raised when the Naaba led, Northern dominated, National Assembly attempted to impeach Obasanjo in 2002/2003 on the pretext of his government’s handling of the onshore-offshore dichotomy issue. What many do not realize was the role that geopolitics also played in preventing Obasanjo’s impeachment. The National Assembly only dropped its plans to impeach Obasanjo and pave the way for Atiku’s takeover of the Presidency when Afenifere under Pa Abraham Adesanya’s leadership threatened to precipitate a constitutional crisis if Obasanjo was removed from office. The behind the scenes maneuverings that took place during this period are worth recounting.

The geopolitical arrangements that followed the 1999 elections allocated the Presidency to the South West, the Vice Presidency to the North East, the Senate Presidency to the South East and the Speakership of the House of Representatives to the North West. When the first speaker of the House, Salisu Buhari was impeached, his deputy, Chibudom Nwuche was passed over for Ghali Naaba, another Northerner, in accordance with the extant geopolitical compromise. A similar scenario played out in the Senate. When Evans Enwerem was impeached, his deputy Haruna Abubakar was passed over, and the South Eastern Senator Chuba Okadigbo became Senate President. Following Okadigbo’s impeachment, another South Eastern Senator Pius Anyim became Senate President. All of these arrangements were extra-constitutional.

Afenifere’s geopolitical threat was simple: if Obasanjo was impeached, the Yoruba would request a special election, limited only to candidates from the Southwest region, to produce Obasanjo’s replacement – in accordance with the geopolitical compromise of 1999, and in line with the precedents that had been set in the Senate and the House of Representatives. The impeachment plot quickly unraveled when it became clear that it could not possibly yield the desired outcome.

By the time of Obasanjo’s departure in 2007, the pendulum of power had swung back to the North. The Traditional geopolitical considerations in Nigeria would have ensured that Yaradua’s deputy would be a person of Igbo extraction. However, between 1999 and 2007, the geopolitical dynamics of Southern Nigeria had been radically altered by the emergence of MEND and other allied South-South militant groups.

The Egbesu emerged as one of several militant youth groups that played key roles during the Ijaw-Itshekiri-Urhobo crisis. The major political actors in the South South region saw the potential that some of these groups offered not just for the harassment and intimidation of opponents, but for enhancing the geopolitical relevance of the South South. Governors like Peter Odili, James Ibori and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha courted, financed and aided these groups. In time, the militancy of the Egbesu and other South South militant groups began to stray beyond the local politics of the South-South States and were more strategically directed towards geopolitical questions of resource control. The end result was that within the eight years from 1999 to 2007, the disparate groups had fused into MEND, and their activities had resulted in the ascendancy of the South South, and in particular the Ijaw nation, as a major center in Nigerian geopolitics. The Niger Delta crisis was essentially a geopolitically induced conflict, and its resolution required the inclusion of the South South in the center stage of Nigerian politics. Without MEND, Goodluck Jonathan would not have been Yaradua’s Vice President. Without Jonathan’s stint as Yaradua’s deputy and his eventual elevation to the Presidency following Yaradua’s death, he would not be President of Nigeria today.

Boko Haram began life in Borno State in 2002 as a religious group that enjoyed the patronage of Governor Ali Modu Sheriff until their parting of ways in 2009. It is on record that Modu Sheriff appointed Alhaji Buju Foi, an influential Boko Haram member and financier as the Borno State Commissioner for Religious Affairs in 2007.

Despite the increasing militancy of the sect in Borno and Yobe States from its establishment in 2002, most Nigerians had never heard of Boko Haram until the events of July 2009 when the Nigerian Security Agencies engaged Boko Haram in a full blown assault in Maiduguri. In that tragic incident the Nigerian State facilitated the extra Judicial killing of hundreds of Boko Haram members. The dead included Muhammad Yusuf, the sect’s leader. The events of July 2009, led to the nationalization of the Boko Haram conflict.

Much like Egbesu and MEND before it, Boko Haram has evolved to become a major geopolitical tool. The Northern political elite have come to see the value of Boko Haram for driving forward their geopolitical strategies for political relevance. In the same way that the OPC and MEND paved the way for Obasanjo and Jonathan to win the Presidency, those who seek to make geopolitical hay out of the Boko Haram crisis except that it will lead to significant political benefits for the North. The not too subtle message is that Nigeria will be made ungovernable if power and privilege does not devolve back to the North.

The silence of Northern political leaders in condemning the actions of Boko Haram is a clear signal of their tacit endorsement of the sect and its destabilizing actions. Again, this is not surprising. For geopolitical reasons, mainstream Yoruba and Ijaw political leaders did not openly condemn the OPC or MEND either. There are however some significant issues with the use of Boko Haram as a geopolitical tool. Unlike MEND and OPC, Boko Haram’s message is not purely geopolitical. The sect is first and foremost a religious fundamentalist organization and that fact makes it ineffective as an effective geopolitical tool.

The North has never lacked the ability to present Presidential candidates on the platform of major parties. It has failed to find a way to guarantee that a Northern Presidential candidate emerges on the platform of the PDP, the only party which despite its many faults can make any claims to being a truly national party, and therefore most likely to produce Nigeria’s President. The Boko Haram crisis is in effect an attempt to influence the politics of the PDP, and through that the political dynamics of the Nigerian nation.

The risk for the North is that the sectarian colorations of Boko Haram will come to frame that region’s geopolitical aspirations. The association of Northern geopolitical aspirations with the random maiming and killing of civilians, the calls for the expulsion of Southerners and Northern Christians is damaging the North politically. Soon, it might make the Presidency of Nigeria all but impossible for a Northerner to attain.

Forcing a Northerner to the Presidential ticket of the PDP is one thing, getting votes from across Nigeria to guarantee that candidate’s electoral victory is another.

Buhari was forced to adopt a Southern Christian running mate to allay concerns that he was a religious fundamentalist. Without the Southern vote, and devoid of Northern Christian support, no candidate can win the Nigerian Presidency. As the Boko Haram crisis spirals forward, Northern Christians and the Middle Belt will be firmly pushed towards a geopolitical reality that will increasingly favor collaboration with the South.
The prognosis for Nigeria is grim. Geopolitical considerations suggest that the Boko Haram crisis will continue until at least 2015. Its effective resolution will not occur until a Northern Presidential candidate emerges on the platform of the PDP and goes on to win the Nigerian Presidency. The prospect that a Northern President will emerge on the platform of the PDP is slim because Goodluck Jonathan wants a second term, and the odds are skewed in favor of the incumbent. The likelihood that a Northern Presidential candidate will receive Southern and Northern Christian support is fading.

Any path to the Presidency that harms Goodluck Jonathan while elevating his Northern deputy to the Presidency has the potential to lead to the immediate disintegration of Nigeria, or at the least the secession of the Niger Delta region. Without the Niger Delta, Nigeria’s political center is unattractive and the status quo will fight another Civil War if necessary to prevent the possibility of the Niger Delta’s exit from Nigeria.

In the meantime, the rapidly evolving nature of the Boko Haram conflict is alarming. Christian Youth in Jos and Kaduna have begun reprisal attacks in response to the actions of Boko Haram. This suggests that the ordinary folks in these communities have come to believe that Boko Haram is indeed a geopolitical tool of the Northern agenda. It also implies that they believe that agenda excludes Northern Christians and Southerners. As the conflict persists through 2015, and the government continues to fail to contain the crisis, the random reprisal attacks will become more organized. Geopolitics will require that the sectarian nature of the Boko Haram crisis will birth a Northern Christian alternative to Boko Haram. This will be driven not so much by the desire for national relevance by Christian Northerners, but as a means for addressing what they will increasingly perceive as an existential threat.

Unless urgent actions are taken by the Government to tackle the Boko Haram crisis, the path to 2015 will be a dangerous one for the Nigerian nation and its people.  The stakes for Nigeria are too high. The geopolitical angle to Boko Haram must be immediately defused. The prosecution of Senator Ali Ndume and other political actors so far implicated in the crisis should be swift, public and comprehensive. Vice President Sambo should also publicly address Ndume’s allegation that he (Sambo) was aware of Ndume’s engagements with Boko Haram. The stakes should also be raised for the sponsors of the violence. It takes millions of Naira to source rifles and explosives, support tens of thousands of followers and to coordinate attacks across cities and states. Boko Haram is a city dwelling sect. The Nigerian security agencies must do more to find Boko Haram’s financiers, and to penetrate and neutralize the network. To save Nigeria, Jonathan must remember that his oath is not to the PDP but to the Nigerian people.

PDP commends NASS for speedy passage of budget 2013

published Dec 22,2012

PDP praises the NASS, says it has come of age.

The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has commended the National Assembly for the speedy passage of the 2013 federal budget, describing it “as a loud commentary on the maturity of the leadership of the Senate and the House of Representatives and a clear indication that democracy is not only gaining firm footing but safe in the hands of the PDP”.

“The National Assembly which our great Party leads has demonstrated that it has come of age in the discharge of its constitutional responsibilities. It has also shown that the people of Nigeria are its primary constituency and that their interest is supreme.

“The seriousness and the high degree of scrutiny which guided the consideration of the 2013 budget proposal, serves directly, the long stringent quest for transparent and workable national budget. We commend them for this, “the ruling party said in a statement.

The party said that good governance is directly dependent on the twin factors of patriotism and capacity for delivery, saying that the PDP led National Assembly has demonstrated both.

“The Senate under David Mark and the House of Representatives under Aminu Tambuwal have shown that they are patriotic and are capable in their legislative and oversight functions. The efficient re-alignment of 2013 budgetary provisions to reflect the needs of the people is a surer way to drive national growth within the fiscal time frame,” the PDP said in the statement said.

The party also commended President Goodluck Jonathan for the early presentation of 2013 budget and expressed pleasure at the mutual cooperation and synergy between the Executive and the Legislature describing it as oil for lubricating the engine of growth.

Merger talks will solve Nigeria’s political problems, says ANPP Chairman, Onu

Premium Times

Published: December 22,2012

Mr. Onu of the ANPP said the merger talks are essential

The merger talks between opposition political parties would “definitely” solve the political problem facing Nigeria, when concluded, the National Chairman of the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, Ogbonnaya Onu, has said.

This is contained in a statement signed by the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Emma Eneukwu, in Kaduna, on Monday.

Mr. Onu expressed the optimism when he led a delegation of ANPP leaders on a condolence visit to former presidential aspirant, Muhammadu Buhari, over the death of his daughter.

‘‘The merger talks are ongoing right now, and we hope that it will be successful, we want to give Nigeria effective political competition in the political arena.

“We are convinced that when we have this in the country, we will be better for it; many of the problems that have confronted the nation over the years shall be solved,” he said.

Mr. Onu urged the Federal Government to tackle insecurity, unemployment and poverty, saying they are serious problems that should not be in the country.

The ANPP delegate included the former Governor of Kano State, Ibrahim Shekarau; and the National Secretary of the party, Tijani Tumsah.

Others are the National Women leader, Ramatu Tijani; and the National Financial Secretary, Fatima Mohammed. The former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nasir El-Rufai was also there.

Mr. Onu prayed God to give Mr. Buhari the fortitude to bear the loss.

“The ANPP deemed it very important to come and condole with you; the creator will receive her soul and grant you and your family the strength to bear the pain,” he added.

Mr. Buhari thanked the delegation for being with him “at this moment of loss.”

Nigerian Senate passes N4.99 trn 2013 budget

Achusim Chapman

Published: December 21,2012

President Jonathan plans to spend the money on former Presidents/Heads of State, Vice Presidents and Chiefs of General Staff

Both houses of the National Assembly have passed the 2013 budget.

The Senate on Thursday passed the 2013 Appropriation Bill of N4.99 trillion into law.

The Deputy President of the Senate, Ike Ekweremadu, who presided over the plenary session, commended the National Assembly for passing the 2013 budget before the end of the year.

Mr. Ekweremadu noted that the National Assembly deserved to be commended because this was the first time since 1999 that both chambers passed the budget without going into conference.

He also used the opportunity to challenge the executive to ensure effective implementation of the 2013 budget following its early passage.

He described the early passage of the 2013 budget as a vote for the maturity of theNational Assembly and the progress of the nation’s democracy.

“I will like to congratulate you on this achievement. I recall that in 2009 this senate passed the Appropriation Act before going for Christmas.

“But this is the first time since 1999 that the two chambers are passing the Appropriation Act before the end of the year without any need for any conferencing.

“I believe that this will challenge the executive to ensure that there is proper implementation of the budget starting from the first day of January 2013.

“But I believe that now that we’ve passed the budget in earnest there will be no more excuse for the non-implementation of our budget,” he said.

Mr. Ekweremadu also urged the lawmakers to discharge their oversight functions effectively to ensure that the budget was properly implemented by the executive.

“This also challenges us to start from day one in January 2013 the issue of our oversight to ensure the proper execution of the budget of 2013.

“So, I will like to call on every member of the NASS, to get ready for us to ensure the proper implementation of budget 2013,’’ he stressed.

The sitting was also the Senate’s last for 2012 as it commenced its break to resume on January 16, 2013.

Azazi, Yakowa's Death: How Safe is President Goodluck Jonathan?

General Andrew Azazi, Nigeria's former NSA and Governor Patrick Yakowa of Kaduna State died in a plane crash a week ago raising concerns over the safety of President Goodluck Jonathan. Those who removed Gen Azazi from the way can remove any other person including the sitting president. Therefore, it is time for the feasters and revellers in Aso Rock to jettison all corrupt tendencies and face squarely the business of providing good governance, backed by equity and justice so that when the enemies of democracy tries the Azazi experiment on them, the hand of God will provide the missing safety link. This article earlier published in February this year under the title 'Boko Haram: How Safe is President Goodluck' is still relevant today in the face of the suspicious elimination of Azazi .

The embattled and fleeing former Governor of Bayelsa State, Timipre Sylva,once described Nigeria's President Goodluck as a lameduck and even threathened to snuff life out of his Ijaw kinsman. Many Nigerians though not particularly fans of Sylva's governorship style, will not fault his remarks. The Boko Haram creating problems in Nigeria is the same group which late president Yar'adua hunted, killed and fragmented when they reared their head in Borno State. Though weak and infirm, late Yar'adua couldn't tolerate this now all powerful monster. The Boko Haram foot soldiers dared not ply their trades in other states of the federation while he was alive. They restricted their murmurings to Borno axis. Now Boko Haram is even making attempts to strike at Nsukka and environs. 

How did we come to this stage? Presidential lameduckism or appropriately put, presidential timidity is the major problem. The PDP branch of Boko Haram which I prefer to call the PDP Boko Haram are growing restless each day especially with the arrest of most of their contacts and leaders. Their fear is that the more the foot soldiers are arrested the more likely their secret will be exposed. Their second problem is that the lame duck president can react if pushed to the wall. The Sylva experiment is a serious case study. Their third headache is that the president once desperate for dialogue is now slowly approaching the matter. Their calculation is that they will use the option of negotiating with Boko Haram members on the behalf of the north to equally clear their tracks. The cautious approach to the dialogue issue by the presidency is causing psychological irritations to some members of the PDP Boko Haram.

President Goodluck should be careful of his personal safety. This growing irritation and desperation could result in extremist attacks on the life of the nation's number one citizen. These desperate ones finished off MKO Abiola with the most perfect alibi, in front of international visitors. They equally finished off Tunde Idiagbon, Nigeria's former Chief of General Staff. They equally planned to arrange accidents for Obasanjo if he attempts tenure elongation. If they could finish these people without effort then they could do anything. These PDP Boko Haram members can buy up anybody they want to buy including President Goodluck's cook, advisers, and inner confidants. They bought Henry Okah , President Goodluck's brother to throw Bomb at the Eagle Square during Nigeria's Golden Jubilee celebrations. If they could buy Henry Okah , the chief spokesman of the Niger Delta struggle, then they can buy up any other militant or military officer who has ambiguous tendencies. They have stolen enough billions of dollars to buy up anybody. They can buy and are still buying security information from and around the State House. 

General Aguiyi Ironsi did not know when his security system was jeopardized until he was dragged and murdered by forces led by Danjuma in 1966. Surrounding himself with competent persons is very necessary as well as proper counter intelligence. President Goodluck needs to bring in anybody from any part of the country whose loyalty and professionalism is proven. In the dying days or Yar'adua regime, General Aliyu Gusau was brought back to help the presidency regain control of the security apparatus when it was obvious that Major General Sarki Muktar then National Security Adviser was playing sentiments with the nation's security and has contempt for Goodluck, then the Acting President. The presence of General Gusau helped to open up the security space and equally in concert with other checks and balances averted what would have been a coup de tat the day Yar'adua was flown in from Saudi.

Nigerians are frustrated that the president seems to be carrying on the art of governance with the same business as usual indifference of past regime while their living conditions continue to deteriorate. The profligacy of government functionaries is equally disheartening. This does not however suggest that Nigerians want the PDP branch of Boko Haram to serve President Goodluck the same dish they served Aguiyi Ironsi.

Achusim chapman

achusimchapman@yahoo.com

@chapmang12

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N5tn embezzled under President Jonathan – Investigation

Posted By Achusim Chapman  On 21 Dec , 2012.  

Over N5tn in government funds have been stolen through fraud, embezzlement and theft since President Goodluck Jonathan assumed office on May 6, 2010, a SUNDAY PUNCH investigation has found.
Our correspondents arrived at the stolen sum after poring over the reports of the various committees set up by the President to probe some sectors of the economy, particularly oil and gas. SUNDAY PUNCHalso relied on disclosures by some senior government officials.
Five trillion naira is the summation of government funds said to have been stolen, according to the Mallam Nuhu Ribadu-led Petroleum Task Force report; the Minister of Trade and Investment’s report on stolen crude; the House of Representatives fuel subsidy report and investigations into the ecological fund, SIM card registration and frequency band spectrum sale.
The Ribadu report on the oil and gas sector put daily crude oil theft at a high 250,000 barrels daily at a cost of $6.3bn (N1.2trn) a year. This puts the total amount lost through oil theft in the two years of Jonathan’s government at over $12.6bn (N2trn).
Oil theft is common in the Nigerian oil and gas sector. In June, a special naval team impounded a French ship, MT Vannessa, at Brass Loading Terminal, Bayelsa State, for allegedly stealing 500,000 barrels of crude oil per day from the country.
Our sister publication, SATURDAY PUNCH, had reported that the suspects, in their confessional statements, indicted some political office holders, many fuel marketers and some officials of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation and Department of Petroleum Resources.
In October, Minister of Trade and Investment, Dr. Olusegun Aganga, in a letter to the President, said 24 million barrels of oil worth $1.6bn (N252bn) was stolen between July and September.
According to Aganga, his signature was forged on the Export Clearance Permit that was used to export the crude oil from Nigeria.
Confirming that oil theft was depleting Nigeria’s resources, the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, in May, said the government lost a fifth of its oil revenues to theft in April.
Apart from income lost through oil theft, the Ribadu report also said ministers of Petroleum Resources between 2008 and 2011 handed out seven discretionary oil licences and that government lost $183m (N29bn) in signature bonuses via these deals.
The Ribadu panel discovered that three of the oil licences were awarded under the current petroleum minister, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke, who took up her position in 2010. Alison-Madueke, however, denied knowledge of the discretionary awards.
Shortly before the Ribadu report, the House of Representatives had raised the alarm that the N2.6trn the Federal Government paid for oil subsidy in 2011 could not be properly accounted for.
The House said, “Fuel subsidy payments amounted to N261.1bn in 2006, N278.8bn in 2007 and N346.7bn in 2008, but, even after the subsidy on diesel had been removed, the ‘subsidy’ payments jumped to N2.58trn in 2011 — more than 900 per cent of the sum appropriated for the year (N245bn).” A subsequent report by the Presidential Committee on Verification and Reconciliation of Fuel Subsidy Payments, led by Mr. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, revealed that in 2011, 197 subsidy transactions worth N232bn were illegitimate.
These frauds are not limited to the oil industry, as similar probes have shown that almost all sectors are involved.
In July, the House of Representatives Committee on Environment discovered a tree seedling fraud worth N2bn awarded by the Ecological Fund office. Chairman of the committee on environment, Mrs. Uche Ekwunife, said this during an investigative hearing on the mismanagement of ecological funds for the development of tree nurseries and seedlings in the 36 states.
According to her, out of the N3bn approved by the Presidency in 2010, N2bn was released to the contractors and consultants without government getting value.
Minister of Environment Hadiza Mailafia, however, said the contract was awarded by her predecessor.
In the telecommunications sector, the House instituted a probe into the sale of the frequency brand spectrum, which was reportedly sold for less than its value.
The 450MHz frequency, which was valued at over $50m, was allegedly sold for less than $6m (a difference of $44m or N6.9bn) by the Nigeria Communications Commission.
In the same sector, the reps, earlier this year, commenced investigations into the N6.1bn SIM card registration project embarked upon by the NCC in 2011.
The investigation followed the delay in completing the exercise and the request by NCC for additional N1bn for the project in its 2012 budget. The lawmakers insisted that the NCC had no business embarking on the project since various service providers were already registering their subscribers. Deputy Chairman, House Committee on Communications, Mr. Usman Bawa, had said, “The NCC has no business with SIM card registration. Apart from that, the service providers have done about 80 per cent of the registration because they started before the NCC. To me, for the regulatory body to be involved in the registration is a duplication of effort, a waste of resources and time.
“Even, the manner with which the bill for the N6.1bn was passed during the Sixth Assembly showed that there was more to it than meets the eyes. From our investigations, from which our report was compiled, our interactions with the NCC contractors for the SIM card registration and the service providers, a lot has been exposed and this was part of the reason why we removed the N1bn that was budgeted for the same SIM card registration in the last budget.” It would be recalled that the then Minister of Information and Communication, Prof. Dora Akunyili, had, in August, 2010, agreed that the amount budgeted for SIM card registration was exorbitant.
Reacting to the massive frauds that have greeted Jonathan’s tenure, Transparency International, told one of our correspondents that Nigeria would continue to slack in development as long as it keeps paying lip service to the fight against corruption.
It said via electronic mail, “President Jonathan should insist that those accused of corruption are properly investigated and punished if found guilty, irrespective of their positions and connections. The judiciary must be seen as impartial and fair.
“To signal a break with the past, the government should set up an independent investigatory panel to review charges of corruption within government and the private sector. President Jonathan should endorse the panel and commit to ensure it has both the scope and the power to investigate and prosecute.
“This is not just a matter of justice; fighting corruption can affect the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. The current culture of corruption hurts the majority of Nigerians while the inequality gap widens.”
Also speaking to SUNDAY PUNCH, the Director, Centre for Applied Economics, Lagos Business School, Prof. Pat Utomi, said the spate of corruption in the country was unprecedented.
The political economist argued that prosecution and jail terms for corrupt individuals would not be as effective as building a societal institution that would prevent corruption.
A former Vice Chancellor, Crescent University, Prof. Sheriffdeen Tella, also warned that corruption would spell doom for the country if the trend continued. He said, “It is unfortunate that the country will not be able to meet the Millennium Development Goals. There is a need for the masses to hold a three-day protest against corruption to force government to prosecute those indicted for corruption.”
Similarly, Executive Chairman, Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders, Mr. Debo Adeniran, said, “For Jonathan to fight corruption, he must start with his cabinet. The way Jonathan is going about his campaign against corruption is not the best way to go about it.”
A global audit and financial advisory firm, KPMG, had on Thursday stated that Nigeria accounted for the highest number of fraud cases in Africa in the first half of 2012.
The cost of fraud in the country during the period was put at $1.5bn (N225bn).
 

Nigeria, Our Surname is Corruption - By Prince Charles Dickson0 Comments

Jonathan Appoints Anenih Head Of Juicy NPA Board-PREMIUM TIMES

Posted: December 21, 2012 - 15:22

President Goodluck Jonathan Thursday appointed controversial Edo politician, Tony Anenih, as Chairman of the Board of the Nigerian Ports Authority.
The appointment was announced in a statement late Thursday by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Pius Anyim.
The statement also contained the list of appointed board members for the Corporate Affairs Commission and the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA.
But of all the appointments, none is as controversial as Mr. Anenih’s.
Anenih for NPA
Mr. Anenih has held several positions in government including ministerial appointments.
However, the former Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Board of Trustees is best remembered for his role as the Minister of Works, a position he held under President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Mr. Anenih was indicted by a National Assembly Committee for mismanaging over N300 billion that accrued to the Works Ministry during his tenure as minister. His tenure as works minister saw no major road in the country repaired or constructed. The Lagos- Ibadan Expressway, and the Benin-Ore Expressway were in deplorable states during Mr. Anenih’s tenure as minister.
The President’s decision to appoint Mr. Anenih as NPA board chair also shows the lucrative state of the agency.
NPA and Bode George
The NPA is considered one of the most lucrative agencies outside of the oil and gas industry.
It has also served as agency of choice for PDP leaders since 1999.
A former Deputy National Chairman of the party, Bode George, once held the position now given to Mr. Anenih.
Mr. George was eventually convicted of contract splitting of billions of naira while he served on the NPA board. He served a two-year jail term.
The lucrative post is now Mr. Anenih’s.

PDP BOT position
It is also not clear if Mr. Anenih’s appointment is the president’s way of diverting his interest from the PDP Board of Trustees Chairmanship position for which he is angling.
Mr. Anenih was believed to be Mr. Jonathan’s choice for the post while former President Olusegun Obasanjo supports the candidacy of Ahmadu Ali, former PDP chairman. The PDP had to postpone its election for the BOT chairmanship position to 2013 when the party elders could not agree on a consensus candidate.
With Mr. Anenih’s NPA appointment, it may just be that he has let go of the BOT post.
The NPA Board Chairmanship position may just be a good enough replacement for the Edo politician.

Nigerian Government Abandons Ribadu Report; Wogu’s White Paper Committee Never Took Off

Posted: December 21, 2012 - 16:37

Nuhu Ribadu

By SaharaReporters, New York

The Federal Government of Nigeria may have technically dumped the report of the Mallam Nuhu Ribadu-led Committee on the Petroleum Revenue Special Task Force Report after all.
Investigations by our reporter show that the White Paper Committee, which President Goodluck Jonathan on November 14 gave two weeks within which to submit its report exists only in name.  Not only has it not begun sitting, its members may have departed for the Christmas holiday to return in the second week of January.
The committee is headed by the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Chief Emeka Wogu.
Other members are the Minister of Interior, Comrade Abba Moro; Minister of State, FCT, Oloye Jumoke Akinjide; and the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs II: Dr. Nurudeen Mohammed.
A key member of the committee told our reporter in Abuja on Friday, that there was nothing on ground to suggest that there was anything to show that government was serious about the report.
The member said, “We have not met; there is nothing to suggest that we are going to meet and take any position on the matter.
“Going by the terms of reference, we ought to have submitted our report since end of November. But, you are aware that even the Federal Executive Council is on break and will not resume until second Wednesday of January 2013.
“Government knows what it is doing when it sets up the committee and it is the same government that is not asking us for any report.”
Efforts to speak with Wogu were not successful. When our reporter visited his house at Asokoro on Friday, one of guards said the minister had travelled outside the Federal Capital Territory on holidays.
It was further learnt that the minister left at about 9am for his home state, Abia, where he will be observing the Christmas break.
The Ribadu committee report, as submitted to President Jonathan, bitterly criticized the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation for various economic crimes against the nation.
It added that that oil majors such as Total, Eni and Shell made bumper profits from cut-price gas, while Nigerian oil ministers handed out licenses at will.
Though not illegal, the report however added that the action did not follow due process of using open bids.
Apart from that, the report added that international oil traders sometimes buy crude without any formal contracts, and the state oil firm had short-changed the Nigerian treasury of billions of Naira over the last 10 years by selling crude oil and gas to itself below market rates.
The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, subsequently indicated that the Ribadu report would be discarded when he said it had failed to accomplish the most critical duty assigned to it.
It has also since been discovered that Mr. Wogu, whom Mr. Jonathan assigned to head the White Paper Committee, is himself a beneficiary of a N2.7b oil subsidy fraud through his shady Pinnacle Contractors company.